INDUSTRIAL  PEA 


iwcnwz 


ADDRESS  DELIVERED  BY 


[=□  C 


Hon.  William  Lyon  Mackenzie  King 


Former  Minister  of  Labor  for  the  Dominion  of  Canada 
and  Author  of  the  Industrial  Disputes  Investigation 
Act  of  the  Dominion. 


Banquet,  given  in  his  honor  by  Representative  Business 
and  Labor  Men  of  Cincinnati,  at  the  Sinton 
Hotel,  Thursday  Evening,  Sept.  18,  1913 

Address  of  Judge  James  B.  Swing 

Toastmaster  of  the  occasion,  introducing  Mr.  King 


Together  with  some  appropriate  notes  regarding 
the  reception  tendered  the  distinguished  visitor 


Published  by  the  Publicity  Bureau  of  the 
“NO  STRIKE”  or  Industrial  Peace  Ass’n. 


OCTOBER,  1913 


EDITORS 

MATT  GLASER  and  FRANK  E.  TUNISON 

Managers  Publicity  Bureau 


I 


Room  3,  Miller  Bldg 


CINCINNATI 


OFFICERS  “NO  STRIKE”  ASSOCIATION. 


Henry  Vogel,  Chairman  Edward  B.  Harris,  General  Secretary 

Albert  A.  Huseman,  General  Counsel 
Matt  Glaser  and  Frank  E.  Tunison,  Publicity  Bureau. 


TRUSTEES 

Dr.  Chas.  A.  L.  Reed,  Pres. 

H.  A.  Seinsheimer,  V.  Pres. 

J.  G.  Schmidlapp 

Geo.  W.  Armstrong 

W.  A.  Julian 

Judge  James  B.  Swing 

R.  D.  Meacham 

Sol.  H.  Freiberg 

John  S.  Storrs 

Silas  B.  Waters 


RECEPTION  COMMITTEE 


in  honor  of  Hon.  W.  L.  Mackenzie  King,  Ex-Minister  of  Labor  of  Dominion  of  Canada 


Jesse  R.  Clark,  Chairman 
Braxton  W.  Campbell 
Chas.  P.  Taft 
D.  B.  Meacham 
Frank  A.  Lee 
W.  A.  Julian 
Thomas  G.  Melish 


Dr.  A.  B.  Thrasher 

Jas.  P.  Orr 

Robt.  J.  Patton 

R.  B.  Meacham 

Frank  E.  Bell 

Sol.  H.  Freiberg 

Geo.  W.  Armstrong,  Jr. 


K L 


CHAMBER  OF  COMMERCE  RECEPTION. 


One  of  the  memorable  circumstances  connected  with  the  visit 
of  Mr.  King  to  Cincinnati  was  the  enthusiastic  reception  accorded 
him  in  the  magnificent  new  home  of  the  Cincinnati  Chamber  of 
Commerce  in  the  Union  Central  Life  Insurance  Building.  Cards  of 
notification  had  been  sent  to  the  membership  and  a record  attend- 
ance was  the  result  when  Acting  President  Colter  in  a telling  speech, 
wherein  he  dwelt  upon  the  general  desire  of  all  citizens  for  the 
promotion  of  the  cause  of  industrial  peace,  presented  the  guest  of 
the  occasion. 

Following  the  address  of  Mr.  King  he  was  conducted  to  the 
open  floor  of  the  great  Chamber,  where  leading  men  in  all  depart- 
ments of  trade  and  industry  crowded  about  him  for  a personal 
introduction,  and  were  presented  by  Mr.  Jesse  R.  Clark,  the  Chair- 
man of  the  Reception  Committee. 


e reception  concluded,  Mr.  Clark,  as  President  of  the  Union 
l^entral  Life  Insurance  Company,  took  Mr.  King  in  personal  charge 
and  conducted  him  over  the  splendid  building.  On  his  return 
to  Canada,  Mr.  King  gave  out  some  of  the  impressions  garnered 

• from  his  visit,  and  he  was  reported  as  saying,  in  part:  “One  of 
. the  most  delightful  events  in  my  personal  career  was  this  visit  to 

Cincinnati  and  the  wealth  of  welcome  extended  to  me,  both  in  con- 
nection with  my  address  before  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  and 
khe  subsequent  reception  and  dinner  at  the  Sinton  Hotel.  But  one 
^of  the  most  eventful  features,  and  one  which  I shall  always  re- 
member with  pleasure,  was  the  opportunity  afforded  me,  under  the 
ersonal  guidance  of  Mr.  Jesse  R.  Clark,  the  President  of  the  Union 
'Central  Life  Insurance  Company,  and  really  the  founder  of  the  great 
structure,  which  is  a monument  to  American  enterprise,  to  inspect 
.that  building.  In  all  of  its  lavish  details  and  superb  furnishings 
I was  reminded  that  in  itself  it  constitutes  a most  masterful  ex- 
pression of  the  idea  which  is  spreading  over  the  world — namely, 

• the  necessity  for  the  preservation  of  industrial  peace,  of  which 
buildings  of  this  character  form  one  of  the  ultimate  expressions,  for 
it  stands  as  a triumphant  exponent  of  the  common  human  desire 
for  protection  against  the  vicissitudes  of  life,  and  the  thought  comes 
to  me  irresistibly  that  it  has  been  the  contributions  of  hundreds — 
'tray,  thousands  — of  people  in  even  less  than  moderate  circum- 
stances— stockholders,  if  you  please  — in  this  great  organization 


£ 


headed  by  Mr.  Clark,  which  made  the  erection  of  this  temple  of 


— orotection  a concrete  fact.” 


3 


OPENING  ADDRESS  BY  THE  TOASTMASTER. 


Judge  James  B.  Swing: 

Since  our  accomplished  President  of  the  United  States  has 
taken  to  reading  his  messages  to  the  Congress  it  may  not  be  alto- 
gether bad  form  to  read  even  in  this  distinguished  presence — if 
one  doesn  t read  too  long;  and  I have,  so  as  to  relieve  you,  only 
two  pages.  (Applause.) 

I am  very  grateful  for  the  honor  conferred  upon  me  by  the 
invitation  to  preside  at  this  important  gathering. 

The  occasion  is  important  because  of  its  serious  purpose  and 
because  of  the  eminence  and  true  greatness  of  the  gentleman  who 
is  to  address  us. 

The  purpose  is  that  we  may  consider  and  learn  wisdom  touch- 
ing the  question:  Is  there  any  way  in  which  the  people  of  this 
country  can  secure  and  enjoy  industrial  peace,  freedom  from  the 
lockouts  and  strikes  so  common  in  the  relations  of  capital  and  labor, 
employers  and  employees,  to  each  other?  The  labor  and  capital 
controversy  in  the  world  is  ages  old  and  unfortunately  it  has  not 
seemed  to  grow  better  with  age,  particularly  in  the  United  States. 

Such  controversy  and  its  fierce  conflicts  have  been  costly  to 
both  employees  and  employers  and  to  the  public,  beyond  all  cal- 
culation, and  they  seem  at  times  to  threaten  our  institutions  of  .gov- 
ernment and  civilization  itself. 

No  question  can  be  of  greater  importance  to  this  country  at  this 
time  than  that  which  we  are  met  here  to  consider.  I venture  to 
ask  of  every  one  of  you  that  you  listen  to  all  that  shall  be  said  upon 
this  great  question  with  calmness  and  thoughtfulness,  with  open 
minds,  without  prejudice,  and  with  an  earnest  desire  to  know  the 
truth.  Usually  I think  public  utterances  on  this  subject  are  nar- 
row, one  sided,  warped  by  selfishness,  seldom  taking  everything 
into  consideration,  and  seldom  of  any  value. 

The  words  we  shall  be  privileged  to  hear  tonight  will  be  excep- 
tional in  all  these  respects;  they  will  be  free  from  bias — the  result 
of  years  of  experience  and  profound  reflection,  and  will  be  broad 
and  liberal  and  just  and  wise. 

Gentlemen,  I am  not  without  hope  that  there  is  a way  open  to 
the  accomplishment  of  industrial  peace.  It  is  not  my  purpose  to 
enter  into  any  discussion  of  the  matter.  But  in  Canada  they  seem 
to  have  found  that  way  and  to  be  walking  in  it.  They  have  a law 
that  seems  to  open  the  way.  I have  looked  into  that  law  and  its 
operation  and  results  with  some  care,  and  have  been  surprised  at 
the  simplicity  and  wisdom  and  justice  of  the  law,  and  surprised  to 
find  how  universally  it  is  accepted  by  the  people,  employers  and 
employees,  and  all  the  people,  and  how  effectually  it  is  working 

4 


I 


out  results  for  the  good  of  all.  It  is  designed,  as  any  law  on  the 
subject  must  be  if  it  is  to  be  of  any  value  whatever,  to  promote 
justice  in  every  controversy  to  which  it  applies — justice  to  all  con- 
cerned. And  I trust  I may  be  allowed  to  say,  truism  though  it  may 
be,  that  there  never  can  be  industrial  peace  without  justice.  There 
can  be  no  peace  anywhere  in  a free  country  without  justice  to  all. 

You  will  be  gratified  to  learn  tonight  how  the  Canadian  legisla- 
tion of  which  I have  spoken  does  make  for  peace — peace  between 
employer  and  employee,  and  for  the  public;  peace  upon  the  prin- 
ciple of  justice  to  all. 

That  remarkable  legislation  is  chiefly,  wholly,  perhaps,  the  result 
of  the  thought  and  labors  and  spirit  of  one  great  man;  I may  truly 
say,  of  a great  Canadian  statesman,  the  Honorable  W.  L.  Mac- 
kenzie King,  former  Minister  (applause)  of  Labor  for  the  Domin- 
ion of  Canada,  when  that  great  and  brilliant  man  whom  all 
Americans  delight  to  honor — Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  (applause)  was 
Prime  Minister.  Mr.  King — I thought  I could  not  let  the  occasion 
go  by  to  express  in  your  hearing  my  profound  respect  for  Sir  Wilfrid 
Laurier.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  King  highly  honors  us  with  his  presence  tonight.  He  has 

had  a very  remarkable  public  career;  a career  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished usefulness  and  honor.  High  honors  have  been  fairly 
showered  upon  him. 

I read  a broad,  long  column  in  a magazine  the  other  day  just 
barely  mentioning  the  honors  that  had  come  to  Mr.  King,  and  I 
never  saw  anything  like  it.  (Laughter.) 

His  fame  and  his  influence  for  good  have  spread  far  and  wide, 
not  only  in  his  own  great  country,  but  in  ours,  and  beyond  the  seas. 
Mr.  King  is  able  to  plead  guilty,  as  Mr.  Pitt  once  did  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  to  the  crime  of  being  a young  man;  anyhow  rather 
young  to  have  accomplished  so  much.  Seldom  has  any  public  man 
crowded  into  the  space  of  a few  years  so  many  works  of  great  use- 
fulness to  his  country  and  his  countrymen,  and  his  fellow  men  of 
other  countries — the  rich  and  poor  alike — -the  whole  people,  as  has 
our  honorable  guest. 

He  has  with  unselfish  spirit  devoted  his  great  ability  and 
talents  to  the  promotion  of  the  welfare  of  his  fellowmen,  and  his 
labors  have  been  rewarded  with  extraordinary  success;  and  a life 
of  increasing  usefulness  and  honor,  to  be  crowned  with  the  very 
highest  honors  that  a grateful  people  can  bestow,  lies  fair  before 
him. 

Gentlemen,  I have  the  great  pleasure  and  the  honor  to  introduce 
to  you  the  Honorable  W.  L.  Mackenzie  King. 


5 


HON.  W.  L.  MACKENZIE  KING’S  ADDRESS. 


Mr.  King:  (Applause.) 

Judge  Swing  and  Gentlemen: — I am  sure  you  will  realize  how 
sincerely  I speak  when  I say  it  would  be  quite  impossible  for  me  to 
express  my  appreciation  of  the  more  than  kind  and  thoughtful 
words  of  the  distinguished  Chairman  of  the  evening.  No  one  could 
have  spoken  more  generously  of  his  most  intimate  friend,  and  if  I 
must  ask  you  to  forgive  him  for  making  you  believe  that  the  one 
who  is  to  speak  tonight  has  in  any  way  merited  a tithe  of  what  has 
been  said  of  him,  I nevertheless  appreciate  very  deeply  the  gener- 
ous spirit  which  has  prompted  the  words  you  have  heard. 

My  first  remarks  must  be  words  of  thanks  and  congratulation. 
Thanks  for  the  introduction  and  thanks  to  the  Association  for  the 
honor  conferred  in  inviting  me  to  be  present  this  evening,  and  giv- 
ing me  an  opportunity  of  meeting  so  many  distinguished  citizens  of 
this  great  State.  I would  like  to  express  this  appreciation  not  only 
on  my  own  behalf,  but  on  behalf  of  the  country  to  which  I belong, 
for  while  I value  the  personal  compliment,  I take  it  that  the  invita- 
tion has  been  extended  as  an  expression  of  neighborly  feeling,  and 
of  appreciation  of  the  country  to  the  north  in  regard  to  one  experi- 
ment in  legislation  of  which  I am  to  speak  tonight. 

I would  like  to  congratulate  Cincinnati  upon  having  started  this 
“No  Strike”  movement;  certainly  there  can  be  no  work  finer,  no 
more  useful  public  service  than  that  which  will  help  to  bring  about 
industrial  peace.  So  long  as  there  is  fear  of  industrial  or  inter- 
national strife,  there  can  not  be  the  progress  which  might  otherwise 
be  enjoyed.  Think  about  it!  All  true  advance  and  growth  in  free- 
dom has  consisted  in  the  elimination  of  fear.  It  was  the  fear  of 

their  gods  which  kept  the  heathen  in  bondage;  it  was  fear  of  bar- 

baric invasion  which  prevented  the  growth  of  nations.  Still  later, 
it  was  fear  of  imprisonment  that  prevented  the  freedom  of  the 

press  and  free  expresion  of  public  opinion.  It  was  fear  of  the 

Inquisition  that  prevented  the  growth  of  freedom  in  religion.  These 
fears  have  been  largely  removed,  but  we  have  still  the  fear  of  indus- 
trial strife  and  of  international  strife. 

Much  has  already  been  achieved  toward  the  maintenance  of  in- 
dustrial peace,  and  with  industrial  peace  will  come  international 
peace  because  the  development  of  an  idea  in  one  field  will  help  its 
spread  in  others.  Both  are  part  of  a general  movement  which 
has  for  its  ultimate  goal  the  bringing  about  of  good  will  and  peace 
among  men.  So,  gentlemen,  if  this  State  of  Ohio,  this  Central 
State,  which  has  been  the  pioneer  in  so  many  movements,  and 
which  has  given  to  this  country  so  many  men  of  distinction,  is  suc- 
cessful in  accomplishing  its  aim  in  this  one  particular,  it  will  confer 
a lasting  benefit,  not  on  labor  and  capital  alone,  but  on  all  classes 


6 


in  the  community,  and  the  fruit  of  its  labors  will  not  end  with  the 
confines  of  the  State.  (Applause.) 

Now  let  me  say,  frankly,  that  I did  not  accept  this  invitation 
with  any  hope  of  pointing  a way  to  the  citizens  of  Cincinnati,  to  the 
solution  of  this  or  any  other  great  problem.  I know  only  too  well 
how  varied  and  different  are  conditions  in  different  countries  and 
even  in  different  parts  of  the  same  country,  and  I know,  too,  the 
far-reaching  and  serious  character  of  this  momentous  question.  I 
know  only  too  well  how  many-sided  the  industrial  question  is,  and 
that  legislation  which  might  work  well  in  one  country,  or  on  one 
part  of  this  continent,  might  not  work  as  well  in  another.  I know 
also,  only  too  well,  that  the  men  who  have  done  most  for  the  indus- 
trial development  of  this  continent  and  the  solution  of  its  industrial 
problems,  have  been  men  on  this  side  of  the  international  boundary 
and  not  on  the  side  to  the  north. 

I believe,  however,  there  is  enough  similarity  between  the 
peoples  north  and  south  of  the  frontier,  and  the  problems  confront- 
ing each,  to  make  the  experience  of  one  country  of  value  to  the 
other,  and  it  is  because  the  experience  of  one  country  may  be  help- 
{ ful  to  another  that,  when  the  committee  invited  me  to  come  here 
this  evening  and  speak  on  the  workings  of  one  bit  of  Canadian 
legislation,  it  gave  me  a very  special  pleasure  to  accept  the  invita- 
tion, in  the  hope  that  what  Canada  has  gained  in  the  furtherance  of 
industrial  peace  may  be  helpful  by  way  of  suggestion  to  you;  and 
it  is  in  this  spirit  I have  pleasure  in  addressing  you  this  evening. 

I am  pleased  to  see  present  a number  of  gentlemen  who  are 
representatives  in  the  Legislative  Assembly  of  this  State,  and  it 
seems  to  me  that  1 can  best  further  the  object  we  all  have  in  view  if, 
instead  of  attempting  a formal  address,  I were  to  speak  in  a more 
intima.te  and  personal  way,  and  thereby  give,  if  I can,  an  insight 
into  the  circumstances  which  led  to  the  introduction  of  our  legis- 
lation, and  the  spirit  in  which  it  was  enacted.  If  I adopt  this 
method,  I hope  you  will  pardon  what  may  be  necessarily  personal 
by  way  of  reference. 

For  a number  of  years  Canada  had  no  legislation  concerned 
with  the  prevention  and  settlement  of  industrial  disputes.  The  first 
attempt  was  an  Act  passed  in  1900,  which  gave  to  the  Dominion 
authorities  the  right  of  intervention  in  the  way  of  friendly  voluntary 
conciliation.  This  Act  was  copied  from  a law  existing  in  England, 
which  provided  that  a conciliator  might  be  sent  by  the  Govern- 
ment to  confer  with  contending  parties  and  seek  to  bring  them  to- 
gether. He  could  use  his  powers  of  persuasion,  but  had  no  power 
to  compel  a conference,  or,  in  fact,  any  course  of  conduct  on  the 
part  of  either  of  the  parties  to  a dispute.  In  my  work  as  Deputy 
Minister  of  the  Department  of  Labor  in  Canada,  I was  sent  on  a 
good  many  of  these  errands,  sometimes  to  British  Columbia,  by  the 
Pacific,  sometime^  to  Nova  Scotia,  by  the  Atlantic,  and  to  other 
parts  of  Canada  as  well,  dealing  with  disputes  in  mines,  on  railways, 
in  factories  and  other  classes  of  industries. 

After  a few  years’  experience  in  work  of  that  kind,  it  seemed 
to  me  there  were  certain  situations  continually  presenting  them- 


7 


selves.  One  in  particular  was  the  difficulty  of  getting  the  parties 
together,  once  a conflict  had  taken  place.  Another  was  the  diffi 
culty  of  getting  at  the  truth.  I found,  too,  that  as  strikes  ran  on, 
the  original  troubles  were  forgotten  and  that  situations  became  com- 
plicated by  a lot  of  new  grievances.  We  had  one  strike  in  1906 
which  proved  memorable.  That  strike  started  early  in  the  year 
and  was  in  the  coal  mines  of  Southern  Alberta;  but  summer  inter- 
vening, no  one  had  paid  much  attention  to  it.  Then  we  got  on  to 
the  month  of  November,  and  suddenly  the  settlers  in  the  Canadian 
Northwest  realized  that  they  were  face  to  face  with  winter,  and 
that  there  was  very  little  coal  stored  for  winter  use.  They  dis- 
covered then  that  the  mines  from  which  they  had  been  getting  their 
supply  of  coal  had  been  closed  through  the  whole  of  that  season. 
Without  any  provisions  in  the  way  of  fuel,  there  was  consternation 
for  a moment.  Then  the  different  communities  made  efforts  to 
have  the  mines  opened  again. 

I was  sent  out  to  deal  with  that  situation.  As  I went  through 
Saskatchewan  and  Alberta,  past  the  homes  of  the  settlers,  I saw  the 
ground  already  covered  with  snow,  but  turning  to  the  south  in  the 
province  of  Alberta,  to  where  the  mines  were  located,  it  became 
warmer,  and  I found  the  disputants  wholly  indifferent  to  the  serious- 
ness of  the  situation  created  to  the  north  as  a result  of  these  dis- 
putes. I spent  nearly  a week  trying  to  get  the  parties  to  this  dispute 
together;  but  the  conflict  had  been  on  for  so  long  a time,  and 
so  much  bitterness  and  hatred  had  been  aroused,  that  it  was  next 
to  impossible  to  compel  a consideration  of  a joint  meeting,  or  of 
the  real  questions  which  occasioned  the  strike  at  the  outset. 

I want  to  read  to  you  a short  letter,  and  I do  this  for  the  reason 
that  it  will  give  you  an  idea  of  the  whole  situation  better,  in  the 
picturing  of  one  little  incident,  than  it  would  be  possible  otherwise 
to  obtain.  In  this  single  letter  to  the  Prime  Minister  of  Canada 
from  one  of  the  settlers  on  the  plains,  I think  we  have  as  graphic 
and  interesting  a picture  as  it  would  be  possible  for  any  artist  to 
portray.  It  describes  the  situation  as  it  was  throughout  many  hun- 
dreds of  square  miles  of  territory  at  that  time.  It  was  written  in 
November,  1906,  to  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier — and  here,  Mr.  Toastmas- 
ter, allow  me  to  express  my  very  deep  appreciation  and  personal 
gratitude  for  the  generous  reference  made  by  you  to  my  revered 
leader,  Sir  Wilfrid.  It  will  be  a great  pleasure  to  me  to  tell  him 
on  my  return  that  I find  his  name  received  in  this  country  with  as 
much  enthusiasm  today  as  it  has  been  at  any  time  in  his  great  career. 
(Applause.) 

Local  Improvement  District  of  Ramsay, 
Saskatchewan,  Nov.  14,  1906. 

“Dear  Sir  Wilfrid:- — The  hamlet  of  Bladworth  is  the  supplying 
point  for  settlers,  each  settled  therein.  The  country  is  open,  rolling 
prairie,  devoid  of  trees.  The  settlers  depend  for  fuel  on  wood  or 
J0  coal  obtained  at  the  nearest  railway  station — Bladworth.  The  local 
dealers  secure  their  wood  from  the  Prince  Albert  country  and  their 


8 


coal  from  the  Galt  mines,  Lethbridge.  No  coal  has  been  obtained 
from  this  latter  source  since  April  1st.  One  car  was  obtained  from 
Banff  in  September  last,  since  which  no  coal  has  been  received  here. 
Ten  cars  are  under  orders  from  Lethbridge  and  none  delivered. 
One  car  is  ordered  from  Estevan  and  promised  by  the  mine  operator 
for  December  1 7th  next.  Wood  has  been  ordered  from  the  Cowan 
Company,  Prince  Albert,  and  their  answer  is: 

‘We  have  neither  slabs,  edgings,  nor  cuttings,  and  though  we 
have  inquired,  we  are  unable  to  buy  any  cord  wood,  as  there  is 
none  in  the  city.’ 

“Settlers  have  been  burning  lumber  at  $40.00  a thousand, 
willow  bramble,  twisted  hay  and  grain.  These  sources  are  well 
nigh  exhausted.  Dr.  J.  Fyfe  reports  from  observation  that  no 
fuel  is  in  the  settlers’  hands  and  that  suffering  and  perhaps  death 
will  ensue  therefrom.  All  public  schools  are  closed  for  want  of 
fuel.  The  Saskatchewan  Hotel,  a 30-roomed  house,  has  but 
one  fire. 

“A  blizzard  has  been  blowing  on  November  15  th,  16th  and 
1 7th,  with  zero  weather.  I leave  you,  Sir,  to  imagine  what  the 
condition  of  your  fellow  subjects  is  in  the  electoral  division  of 
Batoche — a name  not  unknown  in  history.  This  condition  is  not 
local,  but  general.  We  are  informed  that  those  persons  operating 
the  mines  of  the  people  are  disputing  over  their  rights,  regardless 
of  the  right  of  the  people  to  live.  I would  respectfully  ask  that 
you,  Sir,  put  an  end  to  a dispute  that  is  intolerable,  and  the  main- 
tenance of  which  endangers  the  life  and  happiness  (inalienable 
rights  of  a free  people)  of  all  settlers. 

“I  ask  you,  Sir,  on  behalf  of  a suffering  people  that,  by  the 
powers  vested  in  you,  the  right  of  eminent  domain  be  exercised. 

“I  can  assure  you.  Sir,  without  exaggeration  that  this  matter  is 
one  of  life  and  death  to  the  settlers  here,  one  requiring  immediate 
action.  Your  humble,  obedient  servant, 

“WM.  RAMSAY, 

“Chairman  of  Committee.” 

Now  I think  you  will  agree  that  in  that  communication  you 
have  a graphic  description  of  a terrible  situation  as  it  existed  in 
Alberta.  What  rendered  it  even  more  tragic  was  the  circumstance 
that  the  parties  who  were  fighting  between  themselves  seemed 
wholly  indifferent  to  the  effect  which  their  dispute  was  having  upon 
the  hundreds  and  thousands  of  people  who  had  recently  taken 
up  their  homes  in  that  part  of  Canada. 

There  is  such  a thing  as  private  right.  Labor  has  its  rights, 
capital  has  its  rights,  but  I believe  that  private  rights  cease  when 
they  become  public  wrongs.  Surely  in  organized  society  the  Gov- 
ernment representing  the  people,  whether  it  be  of  a State,  or  of  the 
country  as  a whole,  ought  to  step  in  and  take  hold  of  a situation 
where  parties  to  a dispute  are  unable  to  settle  their  differences,  and 
the  life  and  happiness  of  individuals  is  threatened  thereby.  (Ap- 
plause.) 


9 


That  is  the  point  of  view  from  which  Parliament  proceeded  in 
enacting  the  Canadian  Industrial  Disputes  Investigation  Act.  It 
sought  to  preserve  a maximum  of  individual  liberty,  and  permit  a 
minimum  of  State  interference,  as  respects  both  capital  and  labor, 
but  it  proceeded  on  the  assumption  that  where  the  rights  of  the 
many  were  jeopardized  by  the  privileges  of  a few,  the  State,  rep- 
resenting the  people  as  a whole,  was  entitled  to  be  heard  and  to 
have  its  authority  respected. 

I do  not  want  to  take  up  time  by  telling  you  how  that  situation 
was  ultimately  settled,  but  I would  like  to  point  out  that  in  the 
endeavor  to  settle  it  I encountered  the  same  old  difficulty  met  with 
in  the  settlement  of  other  disputes — the  difficulty  of  getting  the 
parties  together,  and  once  having  them  together,  the  further  diffi- 
culty of  getting  accurate  information  in  regard  to  the  facts  in  dis- 
pute. When  I returned  to  Ottawa  the  Prime  Minister  said  to  me 
that  the  Government  must  enact  some  legislation  which  would  be 
helpful  in  preventing  a recurrence  of  troubles  of  this  kind.  I re- 
member remarking  to  Sir  Wilfrid  that  if  we  could  prepare  a law 
which  would  compel  the  parties  to  come  together,  and  enable  the 
public  to  ascertain  the  facts  before  an  open  conflict  arose,  a long 
step  would  be  taken  towards  maintaining  industrial  peace.  The 
Canadian  Industrial  Disputes  Investigation  Act  was  the  result  of 
that  conversation. 

The  chairman  of  the  evening  has  generously  said  that  this  Act 
is  the  work  of  one  person;  let  me  rather  say,  by  way  of  telling  the 
exact  truth,  that  this  law  in  many  of  its  sections  is  based  upon 
legislation  in  existence  in  this  country,  in  Great  Britain,  in  Aus- 
tralia and  New  Zealand,  and  in  other  countries.  It  was  drawn  to 
conform  as  nearly  as  possible  to  the  requirements  of  the  situation 
as  it  then  existed  in  Canada,  but  only  in  one  or  two  particulars  is 
it  wholly  original.  One  feature  that  distinguishes  it  from  other 
measures  is  the  requirement  of  an  investigation  before  a strike  or 
lockout  takes  place.  There  may  be,  too,  some  originality  in  the 
methods  by  which  this  investigation  is  obtained  and  carried  out. 

The  Act,  in  a word,  provides  that  employers  and  employees 
shall  not  strike  or  lock  out  till  after  they  have  met  together  before 
a board  on  which  each  is  represented,  and  which  has  full  powers 
to  investigate  all  the  differences  between  them.  If  a settlement 
can  not  be  reached  as  a result  of  conference  and  investigation,  the 
relevant  facts  are  given  to  the  public  by  the  board,  and  the  parties 
are  then  free  to  strike  or  lock  out,  as  the  case  may  be;  but  before 
a strike  or  lockout  can  be  legally  declared,  a Board  of  Investigation 
must  have  been  appointed,  and  efforts  made  to  ieafh  in  this  way  a 
satisfactory  settlement  of  the  questions  involved. 

Either  side  may  make  an  application  to  the  Government  for  a 
Board,  and  both  parties  to  the  dispute  name  their  own  representa- 
tive on  it.  The  two  so  chosen  meet  together  and  select  a chairman. 
They  are  allowed  three  days  within  which  to  do  this,  and  failing  a 
selection  at  the  expiration  of  the  three  days,  the  Minister  of  Labor 
himself  appoints  a chairman.  The  three  persons  so  appointed  be- 
come a Board  of  Conciliation  and  Investigation.  They  have  all  the 


10 


power  of  a court  of  record;  they  may  compel  the  production  of 
documents,  subpoena  witnesses,  take  evidence  under  oath;  in  other 
words,  they  have  practically  all  the  powers  of  the  ordinary  courts 
of  law.  The  parties  may  appear  in  person,  or  by  representatives, 
before  the  Board,  which  is  expected  to  use  its  best  efforts  to  effect 
a settlement  of  the  differences.  If  unable  to  satisfactorily  terminate 
the  dispute  the  Board  issues  a report  setting  forth  what  in  its  opinion 
is  the  cause  of  the  troubles,  and  the  merits  of  the  contentions  of  the 
respective  parties  in  the  case. 

When  the  report  is  prepared  it  is  sent  to  the  Minister  of  Labor 
and  by  him  handed  to  the  press  for  publication,  and  once  the  report 
is  made  public  the  parties  to  the  dispute  are  free  to  do  as  they  please. 
They  may  accept  or  reject  the  finding  in  whole  or  in  part  or  they 
may  lock  out  or  strike;  BUT  UNTIL  THE  REPORT  HAS  BEEN 
MADE  PUBLIC,  WORK  IS  SUPPOSED  TO  CONTINUE  WITH- 
OUT INTERRUPTION. 

And  now,  you  ask,  what  has  been  the  result  of  this  method  of 
investigation? — for  it  is  compulsory  investigation,  not  compulsory 
arbitration,  that  is  the  essence  of  the  enactment.  First  of  all, 
let  me  mention  this:  the  Canadian  Act  is  restricted  to  mines  and 
industries  in  the  nature  of  public  utilities.  It  applies  only  to  public 
service  corporations,  to  mines,  to  agencies  of  transportation  and 
communication;  to  railways,  steam  and  electric;  to  gas,  electric  light 
and  power  plants;  to  telegraphs  and  telephones — to  all  classes  of 
work  carried  on  by  public  service  corporations.  It  is  not  made 
applicable  to  all  industries,  because  as  a Federal  measure  its  pro- 
visions apply  to  all  parts  of  the  Dominion,  and  there  would  be 
difficulty  in  administration  at  such  long  range  if  all  industries  were 
included.  The  public  service  corporations  employ  the  largest  num- 
ber of  men  and  are  the  largest  concerns  in  the  country,  and,  there- 
fore, they  are  the  most  difficult  to  deal  with.  Cessation  of  opera- 
tions on  any  of  these  industries  are  likely  to  be  most  serious  in  their 
results. 

The  Act  has  been  in  force,  not  only  under  the  old  administra- 
tion, the  Liberal,  but  also  under  the  new,  the  Conservative,  and  in 
March  of  next  year  it  will  have  been  seven  years  on  the  Statutes. 
At  the  time  of  its  enactment  it  received  support  from  both  sides, 
both  in  the  House  of  Commons  and  the  Senate;  and  having  had  the 
test  of  two  administrations,  I think  enough  time  has  elapsed  for  us 
to  know  whether  the  Act  has  any  merits  or  not.  I shall  speak  of  the 
first  six  years  only. 

During  the  first  six  years,  there  were  145  boards  applied  for. 
These  boards  were  in  different  provinces  and  in  different  industries. 
Out  of  the  145  boards,  strikes  were,  I think,  prevented,  or  sum- 
marily ended,  in  all  excepting  eighteen.  In  other  words,  if  you 
take  the  average  per  year  over  the  six  years,  there  were,  over  the 
whole  of  Canada,  but  three  strikes  per  annum  on  all  the  industries 
to  which  the  Act  applies. 

I have  here  the  figures  of  the  disputes  dealt  with,  classified 
according  to  the  several  industries.  In  connection  with  coal  min 
ing  there  were  40,  with  metalliferous  mining  11;  in  connection 


with  steam  railroads  6 1 , with  street  railways  1 3,  with  shipping  7, 
2.  of  the  disputes  concerned  commercial  telegraphers,  and  2,  tele- 
phone operators.  There  were  in  addition,  5 disputes  in  industries 
not  included  in  the  term  Public  Service  Utilities.  They  were  dis- 
putes in  the  boot  and  shoe  industry  and  came  under  the  Act 
through  one  of  its  clauses  to  the  effect  that  by  the  mutual  consent  of 
the  parties,  employers  and  employees  may  refer  for  settlement 
under  its  provisions  differences  between  themselves.  The  em- 
ployers and  employees  in  the  boot  and  shoe  industry  of  the  Province 
of  Quebec  have  very  wisely  taken  advantage  of  this  provision  and 
where  strikes  were  frequent  in  boot  and  shoe  factories  of  that 
Province  before  a recognition  was  gained  of  the  service  which  the 
Act  might  render,  further  strikes  have  been  avoided  by  a reference 
of  threatened  difficulties  to  Boards. 

Now  let  me  speak  more  specifically  by  way  of  illustration,  and 
since  you  have  recently  had  in  Cincinnati  a street  car  strike,  the  un- 
fortunate consequence  of  which  to  all  classes  are  still  remembered, 
let  me  illustrate  the  bearing  of  the  Canadian  Act  on  street  railway 
disputes.  Before  the  Act  was  passed  street  railway  strikes  were 
common  occurrences  in  the  cities  of  Canada.  Hardly  a city  escaped 
a strike  in  the  course  of  every  few  years  and  taking  the  Dominion 
as  a whole,  the  number  of  these  strikes  was  not  inconsiderable. 
They  were  usually  among  the  worst  classes  of  disputes,  being  ac- 
companied so  frequently  by  disorderly  conduct,  riots  and  the  calling 
out  of  the  militia. 

In  the  course  of  the  six  years  following  the  enactment  of  this 
measure  we  had  but  one  strike  on  all  the  street  railway  systems  in 
the  cities  of  Canada.  There  were  disputes  in  Halifax,  in  St.  Johns, 
in  Quebec,  in  Montreal,  in  Ottawa,  in  Toronto,  in  London,  in  Win- 
nipeg, in  Vancouver  and  in  Victoria,  all  of  which  cities  have  im- 
portant street  railway  systems,  but  in  every  one  of  these  cities,  and 
many  more,  the  disputes  were  settled  through  investigations  con- 
ducted under  the  Act,  and  with  one  exception  only  without  the  loss 
of  a dollar  in  wages  to  a single  employee,  or  a dollar  in  profit  to  a 
single  shareholder,  or  an  hour’s  inconvenience  to  any  member  of 
the  community.  The  one  exception  was  a strike  which  took  place  in 
Winnipeg  after  a*  Board  had  been  appointed  and  had  investigated 
the  differences  between  the  Company  and  its  employees.  It  lasted 
only  a few  days,  and  was  ultimately  settled  practically  on  the  basis 
of  the  finding  made  by  the  Board. 

Coming  next  to  the  great  lines  of  transportation.  If  we  con- 
fine the  operation  of  the  Act  to  the  classes  of  employees  to  which 
the  Erdman  Act  in  this  country  applies,  namely,  the  operating  crews, 
the  engineers,  firemen,  trainmen,  switchmen,  telegraphers  and  con- 
ductors, the  record  for  the  first  six  years  of  the  operation  of  the 
Act  will  be  found  to  be  the  same  as  that  on  the  street  railway  sys- 
tems of  the  Dominion.  There  has  been  but  one  strike  which  to  any 
degree  has  affected  transportation  or  the  inconvenience  of  the 
traveling  public. 

The  Canadian  Act  is  wider  in  its  application  than  the  Erdman 
Act,  and  embraces  all  classes  of  persons  in  any  way  connected  with 

12 


railway  companies,  as,  for  example,  roundhouse 
builders,  machinists,  freight  handlers,  teamsters, 
classes.  There  have  been  disputes  in  which  all  of 
have  been  concerned,  and  while  in  one  or  two  cases  the  Act  has  not 
completely  adjusted  all  the  differences  between  the  employers  and 
the  employees,  its  provisions  have  prevented  these  differences  from 
spreading  from  one  class  of  employees  to  another,  and  have  been 
a means  of  effecting  a speedier  settlement  than  would  otherwise 
have  been  possible. 


Take  another  industry  of  vital  concern  to  the  public,  the  ship- 
ping industry.  Before  the  Canadian  Act  was  passed,  as  regularly 
as  the  spring  rains  came  strikes  of  longshoremen  at  some  of  the 
ocean  ports,  at  Quebec,  at  Montreal,  at  St.  John  or  at  Halifax.  Since 
the  Act  has  been  passed,  the  disputes  between  longshoremen  and 
the  shipping  companies  have  not  ceased,  but  strikes  for  the  most 
part  have.  Whereas  vessels  were  formerly  held  up  for  weeks  at  a 
time,  there  has  not  been  in  water  transportation  in  the  Dominion, 
since  the  Act  was  passed,  any  interruption  which  has  inconvenienced 
either  the  traveling  public  or  the  shippers  of  freight.  All  the  dis- 
putes have  been  adjusted  under  the  provisions  of  this  Act,  either 
before  the  season  of  navigation  opened,  or  while  the  shipping  was 
actually  being  carried  on. 


Telegraphers  and  telephone  operators  are  other  classes  1 have 
mentioned.  In  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  passage  of  the 
Act,  we  had  strikes  of  both  these  classes  of  employees  which  very 
seriously  inconvenienced  the  public.  Since  its  enactment  there 
has  not  been  a single  strike  of  either  ^telegraphers  or  telephone  op- 
erators in  the  whole  Dominion,  although  there  have  been  several 
disputes  which  but  for  the  existence  of  the  Act  would  certainly  have 
resulted  in  such. 


If  you  except,  therefore,  the  one  street  railway  strike  of  which 
I have  made  mention,  ai)d  the  one  strike  on  the  railroads  of  which 
I have  also  spoken,  it  may  be  said  that  during  the  first  six  years  of 
the  operation  of  this  Act,  Canada  had  an  almost  complete  immunity 
from  industrial  strife  on  all  her  agencies  of  transportation  and  com- 
munication. When  it  is  remembered  that  in  a highly  organized 
community  these  agencies  correspond  to  the  arteries  in  the  human 
system,  that  upon  their  continuous  and  unimpeded  operation  de- 
pends in  such  large  measure  the  performance  of  all  other  functions, 
some  possible  appreciation  may  be  had  of  the  service  which  this 
Act  has  rendered  to  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  (Loud  applause.) 


Now  let  me  say  just  a word  in  regard  to  the  legislation  you  have 
under  consideration.  I have  looked  over  the  proposed  new  Act 
pretty  carefully,  and  if  imitation  is  the  sincerest  flattery,  certainly 
there  is  reason  to  be  proud  of  the  compliment  paid  to  Canadian 
legislation.  If  1 might  be  permitted  to  do  so,  I would  congratulate 
Mr.  Huseman,  counsel  of  the  Association,  on  the  measure  as  framed 
by  him.  1 think  this  measure,  if  carried  by  the  Legislative  Assembly 
of  Ohio,  and  made  applicable  to  the  industries  of  this  State,  cer- 
tainly ought  to  have  great  and  beneficial  results. 


13 


If  I may  comment,  allow  me  to  point  out,  that  while  very  similar, 
there  is  a difference  between  the  two  measures.  The  Canadian  Act 
applies  simply  to  industries  in  the  nature  of  Public  Utilities  and 
mines.  Your  Act  as  framed  applies  to  any  and  every  industry; 
therefore  the  Canadian  Act  in  this  respect  is  narrower  than  this  par- 
ticular measure.  On  the  other  hand,  this  Act  is  applicable  to  the 
State  of  Ohio  only,  while  the  Canadian  Act  applies  to  the  whole 
Dominion,  and  in  that  respect  your  measure  is  narrower. 

The  real  point  to  be  considered  in  extent  of  jurisdiction  is  that 
of  efficiency  in  administration.  Where  the  Act  is  applicable  over 
a wide  area,  as  in  Canada,  where  it  applies  over  the  whole  Domin- 
ion, it  is  well,  perhaps,  that  the  industries  to  which  it  applies  should 
be  limited  in  number.  Where,  as  is  proposed  here,  administration 
is  limited  to  a single  State,  there  is  not  the  same  reason  for  limiting 
the  industries  to  which  its  provisions  should  apply. 

There  are  two  or  three  alternative  methods  of  dealing  with 
industrial  disputes  that  will  surely  come  up  for  consideration,  and 
to  which  it  may  be  as  well  to  give  a moment’s  attention. 

There  is  first  the  alternative  of  a permanent  board,  instead  of 
separate  individual  boards  for  the  several  disputes  that  may  arise. 
It  is  obvious  that  a permanent  board  cannot  be  in  half  a dozen  dif- 
ferent places  at  one  time;  and,  if  you  have  a permanent  board, 
and  have  disputes  in  Cleveland,  in  Columbus,  and  in  Cincinnati,  it 
would  be  a difficult  thing  to  deal  with  all  three  disputes  at  one  time. 
This  difficulty  is  overcome  in  the  case  of  individual  boards. 

Another  advantage  is  this:  The  rulings  of  a permanent  board 
are  apt  to  become  fixed  and  one  or  other  of  the  parties  or  the  gen- 
eral public  is  apt,  in  consequence,  to  become  prejudiced  in  its  atti- 
tude towards  a Board.  I am  sure  all  of  you  have  seen  that  kind  of 
thing,  time  and  time  again.  A ruling  is  made  in  one  case,  another 
case  comes  up,  and  a Board  which  has  given  a previous  decision 
thinks,  for  its  own  reputation  if  for  no  other  reason,  it  is  necessary 
to  give  a similar  ruling  in  the  next  case,  and  so  on.  After  two  or 
three  decisions,  ideas  and  precedents  become  pretty  well  fixed,  and 
prejudice,  in  consequence,  is  created  at  the  very  outset.  In  the  case 
of  individual  Boards,  their  ideas  are  not  known  in  advance,  not, 
indeed,  until  the  findings  are  made. 

Then  a permanent  Board  is  more  likely  to  be  subject  to  political 
control  or  influence,  or  at  any  rate  to  be  believed  possibly  subject 
to  such.  Where  a board  is  chosen  by  the  parties  to  the  difficulty 
themselves,  there  is  not  the  same  possibility. 

There  is,  too,  a great  advantage  in  leaving  it  to  the  disputants 
themselves  to  say  who  are  to  represent  them  on  a Board.  You  give 
to  the  workers  who  are  concerned  the  right  to  choose  their  rep- 
resentative, and  to  the  employer  the  right  to  choose  his  representa- 
tive, and  if  these  two  are  able  to  agree  upon  a third,  the  Board  then 
is  almost  wholly  of  their  own  choosing.  The  parties  as  a conse- 
quence are  more  likely  to  accept  with  good  grace  any  decision  that 
may  be  given. 

Another  alternative  to  the  method  of  investigation  by  individual 
boards  as  the  means  of  preventing  and  settling  industrial  disputes 

14 


is  that  commonly  referred  to  as  compulsory  arbitration.  In  com- 
pulsory arbitration  the  findings  of  the  boards  are  made  binding 
upon  the  parties.  Doubtless  there  are  some  advantages  in  such  a 
method,  and  if  a court  could  be  found  which  could  be  all-wise, 
and  be  relied  upon  to  give  decisions  that  could  work  injustice  to 
none,  there  would  be  every  advantage  in  compelling,  on  pain  of 
penalty,  an  acquiescence  by  the  parties  to  an  industrial  dispute  in  the 
findings  of  such  a court.  But  there  is  nothing  more  variable  than 
industrial  conditions.  We  are  living  today  in  an  age  of  competition. 

It  is  not  competition  as  between  industry  and  industry  in  one  locality 
alone,  nor  competition  between  the  industries  of  one  locality  and 
those  of  another,  but  competition  between  the  industries  of  one  con- 
tinent and  the  industries  of  another  continent.  Under  these  condi- 
tions, it  is  almost  impossible  to  expect  any  tribunal  to  be  able  to  do 
adequate  justice  to  both  labor  and  capital,  and  the  play  of  economic 
forces  is  more  likely  to  determine  in  the  long  run  what  is  possible 
than  the  momentary  decision  of  any  particular  court.  Where  the  ' 
main  business  of  a tribunal  is  that  of  investigation  and  is  known  by 
both  parties  to  be  such,  the  findings  of  such  a tribunal  are  more 
likely  to  be  acceptable  and  accepted,  based  as  they  are  upon  truths, 
as  they  have  been  revealed,  and  the  disclosure  of  conditions  as  theyi 
are,  than  are  the  decrees  of  a court  imposed  by  law  upon  the  par-1 
ties,  and  enforced  by  penalties  imposed  by  the  State. 

It  is  much  easier  too,  to  have  the  parties  submit  their  differences 
to  a tribunal  for  adjustment,  when  it  is  known  to  them  that  they 
are  not  bound  for  all  time  by  a decision  which  to  them  may  appear 
either  inadequate  or  unjust.  Experience  under  the  Canadian  Act 
has  shown  that  once  the  stage  of  investigation  has  been  entered 
upon,  the  main  purpose  of  the  tribunal  has  been  served.  The 
truth  once  disclosed  and  all  conditions  known  makes  the  settlement 
of  a difference  in  most  cases  a comparatively  easy  matter.  The 
threat  of  compulsion,  before  conditions  or  findings  are  known,  ^ 
tends  often  to  irritate  rather  than  modify  a situation. 

To  show  the  benefits  of  investigation,  one  has  but  to  ask  the 
question:  Why  do  men  go  on  strike?  Do  men  strike  for  the  pleas- 
ure of  striking?  Do  they  strike  in  order  that  their  wages  may  cease 
and  that  they  may  run  their  families  into  debt?  Or  do  they  strike 
because  they  believe  this  is  the  only  weapon  left  to  them  for  ob- 
taining what  is,  in  their  opinion,  justice  in  an  industrial  situation. 

It  must  be  apparent  to  all  that  the  latter  reason  alone  accounts  for 
action  which  means  so  much  in  the  way  of  privation  to  those  who 
enter  upon  it. 

Now  the  Canadian  Act  and  the  measure  which  is  proposed  here 
affords  to  workingmen  a new  method  of  obtaining  justice,  a method 
which  they  have  not  hitherto  had.  It  gives  to  them  the  right  of  a 
full  inquiry  into  their  grievance.  It  gives  them  the  right  of  having 
this  inquiry  made  by  a tribunal  which  is,  in  part,  of  their  own  choos- 
ing. It  gives  them  an  opportunity  to  lay  the  justice  of  their  own 
case  before  the  public  as  a whole,  and  it  does  all  of  this  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  State,  and  without  causing  them  to  incur  the  loss  of  a 
single  dollar  in  wages,  to  say  nothing  of  the  possible  permanent  loss 


15 


of  position.  Finally,  it  leaves  them  still  the  weapon  of  strike  as  the 
last  resort,  if  after  inquiry  has  taken  place  they  still  feel  that  justice 
has  not  been  obtained.  And  what  is  true  of  the  workman  seeking 
justice  through  a strike  is  equally  true  of  the  employer  from  his 
point  of  view  seeking  justice  through  the  medium  of  a lockout  or 
strike.  So  long  as  these  weapons  are  left  as  a last  resort,  there  is 
surely  the  strongest  reason  why  any  course  which  may  obviate  their 
use  and  which  may  better  serve  to  secure  the  end  they  are  intended 
to  meet  should  be  taken  advantage  of  before  they  are  employed. 

Now  let  me  just  say  this  further  word  in  reference  to  results 
obtained  or  to  be  expected  under  a measure  of  this  kind.  Statistics 
may  tell  one  story,  but  they  can  never  tell  the  whole  story.  We 
all  know  that  a very  small  fire  extinguished  may  mean  the  avoid- 
ance of  a great  conflagration.  What  is  true  of  the  possible  conse- 
quences of  a single  occurrence  in  the  case  of  loss  occasioned  by  fire 
is  equally  true  of  the  possible  destructive  consequences  of  industrial 
strife  once  commenced  in  a single  industry  and  limited  at  the  out- 
set to  a comparatively  small  number  of  persons.  In  dealing  with 
prevention,  statistics  are  wholly  inadequate  to  convey  an  impression 
of  the  extent  of  the  service  rendered,  and  this  must  be  kept  in  mind 
in  estimating  the  true  value  of  a measure  of  this  kind. 

Let  me  cite  one  or  two  cases  which  came  under  my  notice  in  the 
course  of  inquiries  into  certain  disputes  in  Canada  before  the  Indus- 
trial Disputes  Investigation  Act  had  become  law  in  the  Dominion. 

A few  years  ago  a newly  formed  railway  brotherhood  began 
the  organization  of  local  unions  among  the  employees  of  one  of  the 
transcontinental  railways.  The  organization  of  the  unions  was  fol- 
lowed up  by  a demand  for  an  increase  of  wages;  this  demand 
being  refused,  a strike  was  ordered,  but  the  strike  proving  ineffective 
the  leaders  fell  back  upon  the  device  of  crippling  the  railway  in 
another  direction.  By  collusion  with  leaders  of  another  organiza- 
tion in  this  country,  they  succeeded  in  stopping  work  in  the  mines 
from  which  the  company  was  accustomed  to  obtain  coal  for  its 
engines,  with  the  result  that  instead  of  obtaining  its  fuel  from  the 
mines  in  British  Columbia,  the  company  was  obliged  to  send  to 
Japan  for  coal.  Now  the  men  who  struck  in  the  coal  mines  had 
no  idea  that  they  were  in  any  way  involved  in  a sympathetic  strike, 
but  an  investigation  revealed  beyond  a shadow  of  doubt  that  but 
for  the  collusion  referred  to,  the  strike  in  the  coal  mines  would 
never  have  taken  place.  Once  they  were  convinced  through  the 
production  of  telegrams  and  other  communications  that  they  had 
been  deceived  in  this  particular,  the  strike  in  the  mines  was  speedily 
ended  by  the  men  who  were  involved.  But  the  situation  of  the 
strikers  of  the  newly  formed  Brotherhood  on  the  railway  was  more 
exasperating  still.  Investigation  revealed  the  fact  that  the  man  who 
had  organized  the  Brotherhood  was  at  the  time  of  his  service  in 
this  connection  also  in  the  employ  of  the  railway  company  as  a 
secret  service  spy,  and  was  reporting  to  the  company  the  names 
of  the  persons  becoming  members  of  the  lodges  which  he  was  help- 
ing to  form.  Once  this  circumstance  became  known  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  organization  they  speedily  withdrew  their  membership ; 


16 


the  strike  was  declared  at  an  end,  and  the  Brotherhood  vanished. 
Now  all  of  these  unfortunate  occurrences  which  involved  thousands 
of  men,  occasioned  the  loss  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  in 
wages,  in  profits  and  in  business  generally,  might  (nay,  rather,  cer- 
tainly would  have)  been  averted  had  there  existed  prior  to  the  call- 
ing of  the  strike  on  the  railway  or  the  strikes  in  the  mines,  a law 
such  as  the  present  act,  which  would  have  compelled  and  afforded 
means  for  a complete  investigation  into  the  actual  causes  of  the 
dispute,  and  the  merits  of  the  contentions  of  the  respective  parties. 

What  has  happened  in  one  case  is  likely  to  happen  again,  and 
this  not  once,  but  many  times.  In  the  saving,  therefore,  of  one 
dispute,  a State  may  be  saved  a loss  far  outrunning  any  estimate 
that  might  reasonably  be  assumed,  and  this  a loss  not  merely  to  be 
measured  in  dollars  and  cents,  but  the  possible  loss  of  human  lives 
as  well. 

Let  me  say  just  one  word  in  conclusion  as  to  the  principles 
which  underlie  measures  such  as  the  one  you  have  here,  and  the  one 
enacted  in  Canada,  which  seek  to  prevent  industrial  waste  and  in- 
dustrial loss  by  investigation  and  publicity 

The  first  is  that  in  dealing  with  conditions  which  affect  human 
life,  men  are  more  important  than  measures,  and  that  as  a conse- 
quence it  is  all-important  that  in  whatever  legislation  may  be  en- 
acted scope  should  be  afforded  for  the  widest  possible  range  of 
choice  in  the  selection  of  the  persons  who  are  to  deal  with  particular 
situations.  Under  the  Canadian  Act,  the  parties  are  free  to  choose 
as  their  representatives  on  Boards  any  persons  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific,  provided  they  are  not  personally  interested  in  the  out- 
come of  the  issue.  They  may  even  go  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
the  Dominion  in  choosing  someone  who  in  their  opinion  will  make 
a competent  member  of  a Board. 

We  have  had  acting  in  this  capacity  all  classes  of  citizens,  col- 
lege professors,  judges,  lawyers,  clergymen,  business  men,  even 
novelists.  Ralph  Connor  has  acted  as  Chairman  of  two  or  three 
Boards,  and  the  original  of  the  Sky  Pilot  in  his  novel  by  that  name 
has  acted  in  the  same  capacity.  The  Act  has  helped  to  disclose 
men  who  are  specially  qualified  to  render  useful  service  in  adjust- 
ing industrial  differences,  and  by  the  confidence  established  in 
individuals  in  this  way,  their  selection  in  repeated  instances  to  deal 
with  other  disputes  has  gone  a long  way  toward 'securing  a ready 
acceptance  of  findings  ultimately  reached. 

In  a great  State  like  Ohio  there  must  be  any  number  of  citizens 
in  whom  everyone  has  confidence,  and  who,  when  clothed  with 
authority  such  as  the  Canadian  Act  affords,  would,  if  given  an  op- 
portunity to  act  as  mediators  and  conciliators,  be  exceptionally  well 
qualified  to  further  the  cause  of  industrial  peace. 

The  next  principle,  and  it  is  closely  akin  to  the  first,  is  that  per-  x/' 
sonality  is  a more  important  factor  than  policy.  It  is  the  letter 
that  killeth,  but  the  spirit  that  maketh  whole,  and  nowhere  is  this 
truer  than  in  dealing  w'th  problems  which  affect  men  in  their  busi- 
ness and  personal  relations.  To  give  scope  for  the  play  of  per- 
sonality, to  permit  of  this  in  the  powers  accorded  a Board  of  Inves- 


17 


tigation,  is  to  go  a long  way  towards  assuring  the  success  of  the 
object  desired. 

Thirdly,  experience  has  shown  that  for  the  remedying  of  cer- 
tain classes  of  evils,  and  this  is  particularly  true  in  the  case  of  indus- 
trial wrongs,  publicity  is  a more  effective  remedy  than  penalty. 
It  is  a fact  of  human  nature,  that  however  mean  and  contemptible  a 
man  may  be  at  heart,  or  in  his  intention,  he  hesitates  to  so  appear 
in  the  public  regard.  Discreditable  and  unworthy  conduct  which 
some  men  are  prepared  to  regard  as  smart  or  shrewd,  provided  the 
results  only  and  not  the  methods  become  public,  would  never  be 
attempted  were  it  known  that  the  whole  of  the  transaction  might 
sooner  or  later  be  exposed  to  the  light  of  day.  To  prevent  the 
jnearl  man  profiting  in  virtue  of  his  meanness,  that  is  what  should 
be  aimed  at  above  all  else  in  any  endeavor  to  terminate  industrial 
wrong.  Publicity  even  more  than  penalty  is  likely  to  effect  this  end. 

Lastly,  as  Edmund  Burke  has  said,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that 
“justice  is  the  common  concern  of  mankind.”  It  is  this  which  makes 
public  opinion,  once  intelligently  formed,  such  a powerful  factor  in 
preserving  right  and  redressing  wrong.  Compulsory  investigation 
is  the  one  available  means  of  securing  an  intelligently  organized 
public  opinion.  Once  the  public  has  gained  an  intelligent  apprecia- 
tion of  a situation  by  which  it  itself  is  affected,  it  is  likely  to  find  if 
they  are  necessary  devices  adequate  to  its  own  protection.  It  is  in 
this  compulsorv  making  of  every  man  his  brother’ s keeper  that 
organized  public  opinion  comes  to  be  the  most  powerful  agency 
yet  known,  for  maintaining  and  furthering  industrial  peace.  (Pro- 
longed applause.) 


CLOSING  ADDRESS  OF  THE  TOASTMASTER. 

Judge  Swing:  I was  just  about  to  express  our  thanks  to  Mr. 
King,  but  you  have  expressed  them  more  forcibly  than  I could 
have  done. 

We  have  just  listened  to  the  clearest,  ablest,  most  forcible,  con- 
vincing and  inspiring  address  that  I have  heard  in  many  years. 

Mr.  King  modestly  suggested  that  in  the  very  few  remarks  I 
made  I had  overstated  his  merits.  When  I wrote  those  words  I 
had  never  seen  him;  I had  simply  tried  to  form  some  estimate  of 
him  from  reading;  his  words  have  convinced  me  that  what  I said 
was  wholly  inadequate. 

Now  we  are  under  obligation  to  the  “No-Strike’  Association  for 
having  brought  Mr.  King  to  this  city. 

I said  a while  ago  that  I was  not  without  hope  that  there  was 
some  way  to  accomplish  industrial  peace. 

Gentlemen  I feel  now  a great  confidence  that  there  is  such  a 
way.  If  the  words  we  have  heard  here  tonight  were  not  to  go 
beyond  these  walls,  I might  not  be  so  hopeful;  but  I can  assure  Mr. 


King,  from  all  I have  learned  of  the  arrangement  to  give  publicity 
to  his  utterances,  that  tomorrow  half  the  people  of  this  city,  and 
to  a very  large  extent  the  people  of  this  State,  shall  hear  of  his 
words,  and  I feel  sure  that  if  his  words  could  be  carried  just  as  we 
have  heard  them  tonight  to  all  the  people  of  this  State,  industrial 
peace  in  the  State  of  Ohio  would  not  be  far  away. 

1 trust  that  the  day  will  come  when  Mr.  King,  looking  over  from 
Canada  to  the  State  of  Ohio,  shall  see  us  enjoying  the  blessings  of 
industrial  peace;  and  he  will  be  entitled  to  feel  that  he  started  the 
movement  that  brought  it  about. 

Gentlemen,  with  Mr.  King’s  remarkable  address  in  our  minds, 
and  trusting  that  his  words  may  not  be  soon  out  of  your  minds,  I 
bid  you  all  good-night. 


N 


19 


It  is  conceded  that  the  visit  of  Hon.  W.  L.  Mackenzie  King  to 
this  city  in  promotion  of  the  cause  of  industrial  peace,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  No  Strike  Association  for  the  promotion  of  industrial 
peace,  marked  an  epoch  in  the  more  than  a century-old  life  of  the 
Queen  City,  and  every  circumstance  in  connection  with  that  visit 
becomes  of  prime  importance  to  perfect  the  record.  This  record 
would  be  incomplete  without  a reference  to  the  famous  hostelry 
which  housed  the  banquet  where  Mr.  King  made  his  historic  address. 

The  banquet  was  an  admirable  affair,  and  reflected  vast  credit 
upon  the  personal  courtesy  and  ingenuity  of  Manager  W.  J.  Fleming, 
who  had  it  under  his  personal  direction. 


